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Don't Miss Your OpportunitiesAll the potential benefits sound amazing, right? Why not give it a try? Place an order now, and we will assist you in your academic journey with pleasure.In order to account for the production, content, and formal features of cultural works, intellectual history needs to pay attention to processes occurring at both proximate and more remote levels, bringing internalist and individual accounts of creation together with attention to social contexts.Pierre Bourdieu’s concepts of habitus, symbolic capital, and social field help us make sense of intellectual and scientific production and also, to some extent, individual works, by combining an “external hermeneutic” with an internal one.Bourdieu’s mature field theory emphasizes the differentiation of social space into specialized microuniverses, each relatively autonomous from all others and located within a common macrocosm, which Bourdieu calls “social space.” Every field is defined by a specific game involving competition over specific stakes.
Actors cannot simply deploy economic or generic forms of cultural or social capital in semiautonomous fields but are compelled to translate those resources into forms that are recognizable and fungible within a given field.The difference between dominant and dominated sectors of a field is defined in terms of the unequal distribution of the specific kind of symbolic capital prevailing in that field.Fields are riven by conflict over the rules of the game and the valuation of different practices.Some fields are defined primarily exoterically, by external demands, while others are more autonomous and self-defining.Change within more autonomous fields is driven mainly by internal dynamics.
The field approach is predicated on a relational social ontology.This is opposed to more substantialist approaches in the social sciences in which causality is conceptualized on the model of direct contact between people (as in social network approaches) or things (as in actor-network theory).In Bourdieu, fields and positions relate to one another through formal homologies, although direct contact among actors is of course not excluded.For example, all fields are structured by a cardinal division between dominant and dominated poles.This basic asymmetry is rooted in different holdings of field-specific symbolic capital.
Homologies are also based in actors’ habituses, which allow them to make homologous (but not identical) moves in different fields.Bourdieusian field theory is also inherently historical.It is a “genetic” form of structuralism rather than an “orthodox” version.21 A field’s defining characteristics can only be understood by historically reconstructing the field’s origins or genesis and its subsequent evolution.Fields are inherently agonistic and therefore dynamic.
22 Although some aspects of a field may be partially stabilized (e., the definition of the game and its stakes), they are never permanently settled.
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Indeed, some fields are constitutionally unsettled due to the porousness of boundaries, the constant influx of new participants, and their tendency to define distinction in terms of novelty.
If participants in a given activity do not even agree on the stakes of the game, it is difficult to speak of a field.
Fieldness is a continuum, not an either-or condition This handbook provides you with all the information you need to know for studying on the MPhil in. Sociology and Demography. Please note that your degree is formally governed by the Examination Decrees and Regulations (the. Exam Regs). This is published in September each year, and can be found online. The MPhil .Fieldness is a continuum, not an either-or condition.
Although I am delaying discussion of colonial sociology’s contributions until later in the article, it is worth noting that Bourdieu’s central theoretical categories originated in the late colonial context under investigation here.It is widely acknowledged that Bourdieu’s habitus concept first appeared in his Algerian fieldwork.23 What has been overlooked is the emergence of the outlines of his field concept in this same setting Need to order a college coursework sociology one day Business US Letter Size Graduate.23 What has been overlooked is the emergence of the outlines of his field concept in this same setting.Bourdieu’s field theory is usually attributed to his immersion in French structuralism, especially the work of L vi-Strauss, and to his reading of Kurt Lewin, who transposed the field concept from theoretical physics into psychology nbd-dhofar.com/essay/.php.
Bourdieu’s field theory is usually attributed to his immersion in French structuralism, especially the work of L vi-Strauss, and to his reading of Kurt Lewin, who transposed the field concept from theoretical physics into psychology.
Most commentators locate this shift in the mid-1960s, starting with Bourdieu’s paper “Intellectual Field and Creative Project .Most commentators locate this shift in the mid-1960s, starting with Bourdieu’s paper “Intellectual Field and Creative Project.” 24 But two key elements of Bourdieu’s field theory emerged in nuce in Algeria before 1961.The first of these is the idea of the social field itself.In 1959 Bourdieu noted in a letter to his Algerian collaborator Abdelmalek Sayad that he was rethinking his treatment of the role of honor in Kabyle culture not just by comparing it to peasant culture in his native B arn but also through “a Lewinian perspective, by trying to demonstrate the type of personality corresponding to a society of honor” alongside a “structural analysis of ritual.” 25 This underscores the early date at which Bourdieu was reading Lewin and conceptualizing the relationship between habitus and field in terms of homologies.
The second element of Bourdieu’s field theory emerged from his military experiences in wartime Algeria, which convinced him of the importance of scientific independence from economic and political authorities.Defending cultural and scientific autonomy was at the core of his lifelong political engagement as well as his mature field theory.This focus likely originated with Bourdieu’s work for the Information Service of the French army and the French government statistics office in Algiers, as well as his exposure to the right-wing professors and students at the University of Algiers.I will return to this topic below in discussing Bourdieu’s strategies for avoiding instrumentalization of his Algerian research.Sociology as a Field and Its Relations to Anthropology Sociology, like any other field of activity, can only be defined and delimited in terms of whatever recognized participants think it is, consciously and unconsciously.A sociology field encompasses all of those people—and only those people—who are recognized as members of that field by other contemporary participants in that field.In fields that lack a formal numerus clausus or some other form of certification, membership is negotiated in an ongoing manner.There is also a continuous process of genealogical reconstruction, wherein previously excluded figures are included in a field and others expunged from its history.The history of modern human science disciplines is characterized by perpetual struggles over disciplinary boundaries, definitions of founders and canonical works, and “dominant principles of domination.
” Membership in a field goes hand in hand with the development of a specific disciplinary habitus and illusio.Although the rules governing inclusion in professional sociology were looser in the 1950s and 1960s than they are today, there are a few objective markers of membership.The closest thing to a sociological membership badge in France between 1945 and the 1960s—other than a university chaire (of which there were just a handful)—was membership in the sociology division of the Centre national de la recherche scientifique (CNRS/National Center of Scientific Research) or in the Centre d’ tudes sociologiques (CES), which was the leading French center for sociological research from 1946 until the late 1960s.27 Membership in the British sociology field was assured through employment as a reader, lecturer, or professor in a university sociology department or as a designated sociologist working in some other department (e., social studies) or in a public research institution.Where this kind of information is lacking, we have to reconstruct contemporary perceptions of individual scholars on a case-by-case basis.In some cases a social scientific discipline cannot be determined, usually when individuals move from academia into the wider intellectual or political field or an intrinsically interdisciplinary institution such as the Coll ge de France.28 Few scholars were active in more than two disciplines simultaneously.Most cases of ambiguous disciplinary identity turn out on closer inspection to involve individuals moving sequentially into different disciplines.
This pattern was very typical for scholars located at the boundaries between sociology and ethnology, as we will see below.Changes in disciplinary identity were also triggered by international migrations from one national social science field to another.Field theory solves another set of definitional problems.Scientific disciplines exist in force fields of shifting, overlapping, and contested boundaries.The border with ethnology was the most salient one for colonial sociologists during these years, and it was characterized by a mixture of hostility and cooperation, protectionism and exchange.
There was a great deal of traffic between the two disciplines in the middle decades of the twentieth century.In France, the interdisciplinary tradition of the Ann e sociologique and Marcel Mauss’s central position in both disciplines meant that the boundary was extremely permeable.The first five volumes of the third series of Ann e sociologique (1949–54) featured contributions by leading ethnologists such as Denise Paulme, Pierre M tais, Andr Schaeffner, and Jacques Soustelle.The same pattern characterized the journal Cahiers internationaux de sociologie, whose contributors during the decade 1946–55 included Marcel Griaule and Claude L vi-Strauss.In 1958, students at the Institute for Ethnology were merged into the group of sociology students at the University of Paris.
29 A number of scholars shifted from ethnology into sociology, others moved from sociology into ethnology, and some made a full cycle over the course of their careers from ethnology to sociology and back again.In the United Kingdom the borders between sociology and anthropology were also quite fluid, and the pattern of anthropology PhDs becoming sociologists was more common than in France.30 The newly fashionable genre of community studies brought British sociologists and ethnologists together on collaborative projects.31 Anthropologists published extensively in the Sociological Review (the only British journal dedicated to sociology before 1950) and the British Journal of Sociology, which was founded at the London School of Economics (LSE) in 1950.In 1951, the provisional executive committee of the new British Sociological Association included anthropologists Raymond Firth and Meyer Fortes.
32 Joint departments of social anthropology and sociology were set up at several metropolitan and colonial universities.By the mid-1950s it seemed clear to contemporaries that the two disciplines were “no longer confin ing themselves to what many regard as their proper spheres,” 33 which meant “civilized” populations for sociologists and colonized or “primitive” societies for anthropologists.A number of anthropologists set out to study metropolitan communities through an anthropological lens.34 Sociologists were grouped together with anthropologists in “Section N” of the British Association for the Advancement of Science.
The two disciplines interacted in colonial settings such as the conference at Makerere University College in 1959 that gave rise to the volume Social Change in Modern Africa (fig.
Anthropologists and sociologists at the International African Institute seminar at Makerere University College, Kampala, Uganda, January 1959.Some international organizations promoted collaboration between the disciplines.UNESCO’s postwar project on race and racism brought together sociologists, ethnologists, and social psychologists.35 A UNESCO-sponsored study of Stanleyville in the Belgian Congo in the mid-1950s was carried out by British anthropologist Daryll Forde, Dutch-born sociologist Valdo Pons, and French colonial psychologist Nelly Xydias.
Sociology and colonialism in the british and french empires 1945 nbsp
Peaceful coexistence between the disciplines was also coming under pressure, however, due to shifts in the priorities of government science agencies and colonial policy makers, private foundations, and university administrations.In France after 1945 some younger social scientists saw sociology as a kind of avant-garde, “a new word,” and a “militant position,” especially in contrast to ethnology.
37 The director of the largest postwar training program in ethnography, the Centre de formation aux recherches ethnologiques, found that in 1953 there were actually more “sociologists” than “anthropologists” among the 164 people doing full-time ethnographic research in France and that the disproportion was largest among the younger ranks of ethnographers Need to order a custom sociology coursework professional Master's Standard A4 (British/European) British.37 The director of the largest postwar training program in ethnography, the Centre de formation aux recherches ethnologiques, found that in 1953 there were actually more “sociologists” than “anthropologists” among the 164 people doing full-time ethnographic research in France and that the disproportion was largest among the younger ranks of ethnographers.
38 Anthropologists in the Sixth Section of the cole pratique des hautes tudes (EPHE), including Claude L vi-Strauss, were located in its Division de sociologie until 1968.By contrast, sociology and ethnology were located in separate sections in the CNRS, which has been the most important funder, organizer, and employer of French (social) science since 1939.The period between the mid-1940s and early 1960s is sometimes summarized as one of decolonization Should i purchase an sociology laboratory report rewriting academic nbsp.The period between the mid-1940s and early 1960s is sometimes summarized as one of decolonization.Given the profound changes in colonial policy between 1945 and the mid-1960s, however, this period can also be described as one of colonial reoccupation, 60 marked by increases in metropolitan spending and efforts to spur “modernization” and tighten political control.
The size of the government staff in the Colonial Office and overseas Colonial Service and the Indian administration increased significantly between 1939 and independence nbd-dhofar.com/coursework/need-to-get-a-general-studies-coursework-business-platinum-6-hours.The size of the government staff in the Colonial Office and overseas Colonial Service and the Indian administration increased significantly between 1939 and independence.61 The French colonial administration in sub-Saharan Africa was transformed by the dispatching of hundreds of new administrators and technicians after 1945.62 Colonial issues became more, not less, interesting for French political elites, and actors from different sectors of the “field of power” began laying claim to parts of the imperial administration.French and British development projects moved into high gear in the 1940s.64 The British Colonial Development and Welfare Act (CDWA) of 1940 invested around $300 million annually for development and welfare schemes during the mid-1950s.
The French Fonds d’Investissements pour le D veloppement conomique et Social, or FIDES, created in 1946, “invested a trillion francs, or eight percent of the national revenue, in the overseas territories” between 1948 and 1958.65 The development of Algeria, Morocco, and Tunisia was covered by the metropolitan French plans.Colonial developmentalism encompassed social policy and science, including social science.By the mid-1950s the core pieces of French social legislation had been extended to the colonies.Around 21 percent of total FIDES spending and loans went to social programs.
66 In the British colonies, 44 percent of the CDWA funds were spent by the “left hand” (Bourdieu) of the colonial state.The social turn in colonial policy was the first factor pointing toward greater reliance on sociology, given that discipline’s long-standing preoccupation with the “social question.” Social welfare was an absolutely core part of the sociology departments that were emerging in the colonial universities, for example.Scientists, engineers, and technicians were in many respects the emblematic colonial actors of the mid-twentieth-century empires.67 A poster for the Vichy government demanded the services of “savants and technicians” in support of the empire (fig.
Technical services rose to 30 percent of the total personnel of colonial states in the 1950s.68 The number of statisticians posted to French colonies rose from just one in 1940 to seventy-five in 1956.69 Already in 1944–45, “numerous CNRS representatives” were associated with the Commission of Colonial Programs and Research headed by the CNRS director in coordination with the colonial minister.70 Between 1946 and 1952, more than two dozen research institutes supporting social science were created across the colonial empire (fig.
Soon it became possible for the French colonial research agency ORSTOM to produce maps of individual colonies showing which towns and regions had been studied by its social research projects.The British Colonial Research Committee (CRC) was created in 1942 and financed by the CDWA.Its mandate was to create “a cadre of scientists versed in colonial problems” and to pay for “investigation in any field of scientific, economic or social activity where knowledge was essential in the interests of colonial development.72 The CRC financed the Colonial Social Science Research Council (CSSRC).
Additional scientific structures emerged directly “from the needs” of the various British colonial governments and elites (fig.73 The Rhodes-Livingstone Institute, for instance, was created in 1937 at the suggestion of the governor of Northern Rhodesia and was funded largely by the colony’s “big capitalist interests.” l’ quipement scientifique necessary for the industrial and economic development of Overseas France.” 75 As discussed in the next section, ORSTOM encompassed the social sciences.
Developmentalism created a demand within imperial governing circles for input from disciplines that had not been central to colonial government before 1945, and this included sociology.Native policy was the central concern of all modern colonial statecraft.The forging of native policy had been guided since the nineteenth century by images of indigenous culture drawn from professional and amateur ethnographic texts and images.76 Before World War II most European colonial governments relied on some version of “indirect rule”—a strategy known as “Associationism” in the French empire.
This approach heightened the demand for ethnographic research, which was often carried out by administrators and military officers.
77 In British-ruled Tanganyika between 1925 and 1931, for example, Governor Cameron instructed his officials to gather information on the suppressed and dying tribal traditions that the policies of indirect rule could then try to resurrect.78 Colonial administrators’ interest in customary law and religion diminished after 1945 as indirect rule was supplanted by developmentalism, which relied on different kinds of information.Colonial Sociology’s Institutional Base While colonial sociologists did not represent themselves as a group, they cohered as loosely unified formations.They studied in the same institutions, participated in the same conferences, professional organizations, and government committees, published in the same journals, and worked at the same research institutes.
They interacted in the CSSRC, in the sociology and social science sections of IFAN and ORSTOM, and in the “group of sociologists specialized in overseas France” within the CES.Colonial science developed along broadly similar lines in France and Britain, with a few important differences.France emphasized research institutes and had a more developed training system for its colonial civil servants; colonial universities were more important in the British Empire, while France came late to the idea of higher education for its colonized subjects.Colonial Sociology in French Research Organizations and Higher Education The single most important actor in the nebula of French colonial science institutions was ORSTOM, which began training students in the natural and human sciences in 1944.
Instruction initially took place in Paris but soon moved to ORSTOM’s overseas center in Adiopodoum in Ivory Coast (fig.In 1952 a new headquarters was opened in Bondy, outside Paris.By the end of the 1950s there were at least fifteen overseas ORSTOM research centers that had sociologists on staff.80 One was the Institute of Central African Studies (Institut d’ tudes centrafricaines) in Brazzaville, the capital of French Equatorial Africa, which employed several full-time sociologists and had laboratories and housing for researchers (figs.
ORSTOM Center at Adiopodoum , Ivory Coast.Source: ORSTOM, Organisation—activit s: 1944–1955 (Paris: ORSTOM, 1955), 30.
The other crucial institution for social science in the French colonies was IFAN, created in 1936 by the governor general of French West Africa.
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81 Unlike ORSTOM, IFAN was not under the authority of a metropolitan ministry; it was originally financed entirely by the AOF but attracted funding from FIDES after 1945 and from the French Education Ministry in 1959.IFAN’s central office was not in the metropole but in Dakar (figs.The director of IFAN, Th odore Monod, was a natural scientist, but he opened up the organization to the full range of human and social sciences, including history, prehistory, and linguistics UK and overseas. At Highbury College, you will work alongside students from all over the world aiming to go to both local UK universities such as. Southampton and get that job! Highbury Employment Service's friendly and experienced staff have expert knowledge of today's job market and can help you understand..
The director of IFAN, Th odore Monod, was a natural scientist, but he opened up the organization to the full range of human and social sciences, including history, prehistory, and linguistics.
In 1952 IFAN created a sociology section, distinct from ethnography.82 The sociology section was renamed the Department of Societies and Cultures in 1962–63, after Senegalese independence, but it remained separate from the Laboratory of Ethnology.This section explores the relative importance and status of the colonial sociological subfields within the overarching national sociology disciplines Student Handbook. BA (Hons) Sociology. School of Humanities and Social Science. 2015/2016. Course Leader – Megan Todd at the universities of Newcastle and Sunderland and was research assistant on a British Academy project investigating important to you and what you want to get out of life. •. Later, you will .This section explores the relative importance and status of the colonial sociological subfields within the overarching national sociology disciplines.My first finding is that these colonial sociologists constituted a sizable proportion of their respective disciplinary fields.How large were the colonial sociological subfields in France and the United Kingdom in absolute terms and relative to the field as a whole? Using the criteria set out above to identify (1) all sociologists and (2) the subset of sociologists working on colonial and imperial phenomena, I estimate that the sociological field in France and the French Union in 1949 consisted of around 54 people in full-time research or teaching posts, 30 of whom were working on colonial materials (56 percent).
By the end of the 1950s there were around 150 full-time sociologists in greater France, 61 of whom were colonial specialists (41 percent).The greater British sociological field in 1949 consisted of around 41 people, 17 of whom were working on colonial topics (41 percent).In 1960, near the end of the colonial period, the total number of sociologists in greater Britain had increased to 88, and of these 33 were working on colonial topics (37 percent).Colonial research thus constituted a sizable sector of the two sociology fields.How influential was the colonial pole relative to the discipline as a whole? In order to assess colonial researchers’ status, we need to examine their structural locations within the overall disciplinary field.
While sociology was marginal relative to the older core disciplines in the British and French university and scientific fields, colonial specialists were not relegated en bloc to marginal positions within sociology.Many colonial specialists were of course relatively marginal within their disciplines, due to their minority status or overseas origins or because they spent their time in remote overseas locales.Yet other colonial specialists were located at the heart of their respective disciplines (e., Aron, Bastide, Bourdieu, Gellner, Worsley), as were some of the sociologists who promoted colonial studies without engaging in it themselves (Carr-Saunders, Davy, Gurvitch, Ginsberg, Marshall).
In sum, specialists in and supporters of colonial sociology varied widely in terms of their field-specific symbolic capital, ranging from “dominant-dominated” (i., dominant within a dominated discipline) to “doubly dominated” (i., dominated within a dominated discipline).
137 The theoretical camp was centered around Georges Gurvitch, a Sorbonne sociology professor starting in 1948.138 Other members of the theoretical pole included the contributors to the third series of the Ann e sociologique and members of Raymond Aron’s Centre de sociologie europ enne.At the opposite pole were the self-described “empiricists” led by Jean Stoetzel, also a Sorbonne professor starting in 1955.Stoetzel rejected the “philosophical and reflective” traditions from French sociology’s “humanistic period” and advocated “additive and impersonal” teamwork against more traditional individual research styles.
The French colonial sociologists participated in both the theoretical and the empiricist camps.
This was reflected in the activities of the CNRS-financed Centre d’ tudes sociologiques, whose first meeting in 1946 was presided over by Colonial Minister Marius Moutet.The CES was defined at the outset as dedicated to studying France, “including overseas France.” 140 A number of colonial specialists were invited to join the CES: Balandier, Bastide, Berque, de Dampierre, Memmi, Pierre Naville, Jean Laude, Michel Hoffmann, Andr e Michel, and Maurice Leenhardt.The first director of the CES, from 1945 to 1949, was Gurvitch, and a group of colonial specialists gravitated toward him.Gurvitch cofounded the Association internationale des sociologues de langue fran aise, whose first conference in 1958 focused on “the sociology of overseas countries” and whose 1965 meeting was dominated by colonial and postcolonial specialists.
141 Gurvitch founded the Cahiers internationaux de sociologie after 1945, and this journal increasingly carried colonial material, especially after Balandier took over as editor in 1954.The third CES director, from 1951 to 1956, was Maximilien Sorre, who had taught colonial geography at Bordeaux between the wars.Even after Stoetzel became director of the CES in 1956, this did not mark an end to the center’s openness to colonial research—Stoetzel and demographer Alain Girard studied immigration from the colonies to France.A third major sociological grouping emerged after 1958 around the Centre de sociologie europ enne (CSE).As the holder of one of the rare sociology chairs and as initiator of the French sociology licence degree, Raymond Aron was emerging in this period as the third dominant figure in the disciplinary field, alongside Gurvitch and Stoetzel.
The first people Aron invited to join his center included Pierre Bourdieu, who was completing his Algerian fieldwork at the time, and Eric de Dampierre, who had been carrying out fieldwork in French Ubangi-Chari since the mid-1950s.According to a report on the center’s planned activities in 1959, Bourdieu and de Dampierre would study “the transfer of European institutions to underdeveloped countries, especially in Africa and South Asia.” 143 Aron also brought in Jean Cuisenier, who had directed a survey of economic underdevelopment in Tunisia, and Fran ois Bourricaud, who had supervised a social survey in Upper Volta (see below).144 Two other relevant specialists joined the CSE before 1965: Salah Bouhedja, a guide and interpreter for Bourdieu during his 1960 study of the forced resettlement of Algerians, and Fran ine Muel, a student of Balandier’s and a specialist in postcolonial Rwanda.Closer examination of the EPHE’s Sixth Section before 1965 underscores the centrality of colonial specialists in French sociology and social science at the time.
By 1961–62 there were thirty-six professors ( directeurs d’ tudes) and one associate professor in the Sixth Section’s sociology and ethnology division, and half of them were associated with colonial topics.146 A study of thesis committees in the Sixth Section found that Balandier was the most sought after thesis advisor or committee member between 1960 and 1964 and that the most frequent committee consisted of Balandier, Bastide, Mercier, and the Africanist ethnologist Denise Paulme.147 Africanist sociology was thus at the core of French postgraduate student interest until at least 1965.In sum, if colonial sociology was somewhat marginal to the core of the older elite educational system, the Sorbonne and the grandes coles, this was because sociology itself was still marginal to those institutions.Colonial and Africanist topics were central to sociology.
A similar pattern characterized the British case, with one important difference.Here too, sociology was an upstart discipline, excluded from the traditional core of the university.Sociology was mainly taught in the “red-brick universities” created in the second half of the nineteenth century and the “plate-glass universities” created in the 1950s.The ancient British universities accepted anthropology somewhat “more readily than other aspirant disciplines,” including sociology.148 Sociology chairs finally arrived at Cambridge and Oxford in 1969 and 1973, respectively.
Tellingly, both of these sociology chairs were filled by social anthropologists-cum-sociologists—John A.Both men had worked extensively in colonial settings, including the Rhodes-Livingstone Institute.Colonial specialists with social anthropology PhDs occupied the first sociology posts at Bristol, Hull, and Manchester.
Because social anthropology had a richer intellectual heritage and greater prestige than sociology in the United Kingdom, colonial specialists often had a relative advantage, not a status deficit.
By 1972, a plurality of sociology professors and heads of sociology departments in the United Kingdom had social anthropology doctorates.It would be misleading to assume that colonial sociologists were colonialist sociologists.Colonial sociologists’ political views were highly diverse MSc Economy Risk and Society Handbook 2013 14 LSE.Colonial sociologists’ political views were highly diverse.
Some provided advice to colonial governments on policies.
Jean Servier, a CNRS-funded ethnographer in Algeria between 1949 and 1955, tried to contribute to the French counterinsurgency campaign by creating an ill-fated “free village” ( djemaa libre) in the Zakkar region.150 Pierre Bourdieu’s conversion from philosopher to sociologist began when he was put in charge of crafting propaganda for the French army in Algeria in 1956, but he emerged as a sharp critic of French policy two years later 4 days ago - We will happily provide you with an expert assistance while writing your sociology essay. Contact us now to Are you interested in buying our sociology essay help services today? As always, if you have any troubles, our customer service agents are available 24 hours per day to help you place your first .150 Pierre Bourdieu’s conversion from philosopher to sociologist began when he was put in charge of crafting propaganda for the French army in Algeria in 1956, but he emerged as a sharp critic of French policy two years later.151 Some sociologists reproduced the familiar hierarchical relationship between colonizers and colonized in their dealings with indigenous research assistants, while others worked closely with African researchers.152 Bourdieu was the first sociologist to coauthor an important study with a colleague born as a colonized subject, Abdelmalek Sayad.153 Balandier also worked with African intellectuals and leaders; 154 he and Pierre Naville contributed to Pr sence africaine.
155 Some sociologists supported continuing European colonial rule, 156 but the majority were skeptical of colonialism or openly opposed it.A few contributed directly to independence struggles.Sociologist Andr e Michel, author of a pioneering study of Algerian labor migrants in France, became a porteuse de valises during the Algerian War.Claudine Chaulet was a French member of the Front de Lib ration Nationale during the Algerian War and opted for Algerian citizenship after independence.157 The Tunisian Jewish sociologist Paul Sebag supported Tunisian independence at a moment when the Tunisian Communist Party still favored continuing membership in the French Union.
Wertfreiheit,” arguing that “you have to be an autonomous scholar who works according to the rules of scholarship to be able to produce an engaged knowledge.” 159 Bourdieu’s experiences in Algeria between 1956 and 1960 taught him that social research required independence from (colonial and metropolitan) governments, business elites, and scientific administrators.His abhorrence for Sartre’s posture as a “prophetic” or “total” intellectual led Bourdieu not to reject participation in politics by social scientists but rather to develop an alternative vision of the “collective intellectual” on the basis of Foucault’s model of the “specific intellectual.” Bourdieu was able to increase his margin of scientific maneuver in Algeria by mobilizing the support of agencies that were not directly controlled by the local colonial administration.
The INSEE provided an official stamp of approval for Bourdieu’s study of Algerian workers in 1960.
His project on the resettlement camps was made possible by financial and logistical support from the director of the Algiers-based Association pour la recherche d mographique, conomique et sociale, who strongly “defended the autonomy of his researchers and their research.” 161 Bourdieu also benefited from the collaboration of Algerian assistants, including Sayad—relationships that gave Bourdieu access to Algerians willing to discuss their experience of the resettlement camps (fig.The case of ric de Dampierre suggests a different model of resistance to scientific subjugation.ORSTOM and CSRSOM financed de Dampierre’s original fieldwork in Equatorial Africa during the mid-1950s.
They instructed him to focus on explaining declining birthrates in the colony.In 1956 the director of CSRSOM, Deschamps, demanded that de Dampierre stop pursuing historical studies of the colony and redirect all of his attention to the demographic problem, writing that “it is the present and the future that are essentially at stake; the past should only intervene in an auxiliary role for explaining, in a certain measure, contemporary tendencies.” De Dampierre responded that “this is none of the governor’s business!” 163 By piecing together funding from a variety of different organizations (UNESCO, CNRS, CES, EPHE, Mus e de l’Homme), de Dampierre was able to avoid coming under the control of any one of them.He began to defend explicitly a Weberian doctrine of Wertfreiheit and even published French translations of Weber’s Science as a Vocation and Politics as a Vocation in his book series with Plon publishers.De Dampierre mobilized Weber in defense of an idea of scholarly erudition modeled on the University of Chicago’s Committee on Social Thought, with which he was familiar from his time in Chicago as an exchange student in 1950–52.
A specifically sociological approach to colonial problems emerged after 1945.The label “sociology,” as it was understood by people like Balandier, Mercier, and Worsley, was used “in preference to ethnology,” because sociology was understood as dealing “with human groups that had become dependent on or come under the influence of Occidental society” and that had thereby entered into a “state of crisis.” 165 Sociology was defined similarly by a number of funding institutions, research organizations, and colonial officials.According to ORSTOM, sociology “orients itself above all toward the study of the current evolution of material, social, cultural, and ideological life.It could not be otherwise, since our contact with indigenous societies everywhere sets them on the path of accelerated change, severe problems, and anarchic reconstruction.
The sociologist is typically the present day observer and the advisor for the future in these regions.Sociological studies are indispensable for the local governments of the French empire.” 166 Significant here was the depiction of sociology as a discipline focused on the disruptive changes induced by European colonial conquest and rule (“our contact”) and useful as a guide to policy making.Another text calling for a specifically sociological approach to colonial crisis management was Recommendations for the Historical Study of the Historical Societies of Black Africa, written by Georges Balandier in 1949 when he was director of the social sciences department of the ORSTOM-sponsored Institut d’ tudes centrafricaines in Brazzaville.Balandier instructed researchers to focus on “transformations of social organization,” including: 1) 2) Transformations of religious, moral, administrative, political, and economic solidarity of the inhabitants (also, the emergence of social classes); 3) Reactions to the administrative structures imposed by European nations (especially administrative and traditional chiefs, politico-religious organizations … ; displacements of villages provoked by administrative orders; awakening of cooperative, syndical, and political life, etc.
); 4) The attraction to urban list suggested that sociology could offer useful advice to colonial governors confronted with the massive social disruptions resulting from the European presence.Colonial sociologists would analyze the degeneration of older forms of social solidarity and their reconstitution along new lines.They would study economic and demographic changes—everything from individual budgets and family structures to the labor process.167 Colonial governments also turned to sociologists to examine the social impact of giant infrastructural projects and the resulting programs of mass resettlement.Sociological colonial work was distinguished by a set of new analytic objects, methods, concepts and theories, and epistemologies.
Sociologists’ new objects included colonial urbanization, industrialization, proletarianization, 170 detribalization, and cultural mixing.Migration studies received an impetus not seen since the publication of The Polish Peasant in Europe and America, as sociologists examined flows between countryside and city, colony and metropole.171 Community studies, which became a mainstay of British sociology, originated in the colonies after World War II, as did the field of “race relations.” The journal Race, which became Race and Class in 1972, began in 1959 with a distinctive focus on colonial and immediate postcolonial settings.The lead article in the first issue of Race was written by Michael Banton, a pioneering sociologist of colonial Sierra Leone and colonial migrants in London.
Other contributions by colonial sociologists were methodological and epistemological.Sociologists analyzed European colonizers in the same analytic frame as the colonized, whereas most anthropologists had avoided studying white settlers.173 A transnational framing of social research emerged spontaneously, as sociologists examined networks and flows of people, objects, and cultural representations across tribal, colonial, and world-system boundaries.Rather than bracketing colonialism, as in much interwar ethnography, sociologists put colonialism at the center of their analyses.Correspondingly, they rejected the static approaches that typified interwar anthropology and postwar Parsonsian sociology, instead emphasizing domination, conflict, and change.
174 Balandier’s entire approach was known as “dynamic sociology.
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” 175 Sociological studies were often explicitly historical and comparative.176 De Dampierre and others combined ethnographic fieldwork with archival research.At the end of the colonial period, African sociologists began to elaborate a standpoint-theoretical critique of European research on their societies .At the end of the colonial period, African sociologists began to elaborate a standpoint-theoretical critique of European research on their societies.
Colonial sociologists also made important theoretical contributions, in addition to Bourdieu’s concepts of field and habitus.
Balandier’s student Pierre-Philippe Rey based his theory of the “articulation of modes of production” and the colonial mode of production on his discovery that French administration in the Congo had been unable to crush the traditional tribal system and had needed to find a way to combine it with the colonial system 12 13 MSc Political Sociology Handbook LSE.Balandier’s student Pierre-Philippe Rey based his theory of the “articulation of modes of production” and the colonial mode of production on his discovery that French administration in the Congo had been unable to crush the traditional tribal system and had needed to find a way to combine it with the colonial system.Some sociologists developed arguments that are now associated with postcolonial theory 12 13 MSc Political Sociology Handbook LSE.Some sociologists developed arguments that are now associated with postcolonial theory.This should not be surprising, since two theorists seen as precursors of postcolonial theory, Albert Memmi and Abdelmalek Sayad, were sociologists, and since Frantz Fanon taught colonial sociology students in Tunis at the end of his life need to purchase custom asian literature coursework Proofreading US Letter Size College.This should not be surprising, since two theorists seen as precursors of postcolonial theory, Albert Memmi and Abdelmalek Sayad, were sociologists, and since Frantz Fanon taught colonial sociology students in Tunis at the end of his life.179 Cultural hybridity was widely discussed among sociologists at the time, who started from the assumption of mixed cultures and the selective appropriation of external ideas by colonized societies.Balandier and Mercier’s 1952 study of the L bou villagers in Senegal, for example, argued that this apparently unchanging culture was fully enmeshed in global history and webs of outside influence and that the L bou were able to negotiate repeated invasions by playing “a game of conservation and innovation,” filtering outside influences without being “closed to them.
” 180 British and French colonial psychologists (some of whom were also sociologists) explored the psychic distress caused by colonialism and the failure of traditional healing methods to deal with mental illnesses resulting European-induced changes.Some colonial sociology exhibited the specifically modernist characteristics typical of Western technoscience 182 and embraced the most objectionable aspects of colonial rule.Sociology as a discipline often claimed special expertise in surveys, statistics, computers, research design, and in the quantitative methods favored by governments.Sociologists seemed particularly at home with machines and equipment—everything from computers and computer card sorting machines to psychotechnical intelligence tests (figs.
This strengthened sociologists’ elective affinities with postwar colonial policy makers, who were enamored of the “marriage of technology and development.” 183 The French FIDES program placed special emphasis on infrastructure or “equipment.Pierre Bourdieu in Algeria, late 1950s, with Zeiss Ikoflex camera.
If the emblematic activity of colonial states after 1945 was the vast public works project, the most politically fraught topic for colonial sociologists was the resettlement of people displaced by these projects.Sociologists were mobilized to study and manage the uprooting and rehousing of populations.Colonialism had always been linked to expropriation and population transfers, but resettlements before 1945 were usually executed without input from social scientists.185 After World War II, the figure of the resettlement sociologist came into focus.
Sociologists were asked to advise colonial rulers on the likely responses of communities facing dislocation, to participate in their transfer, and to guide the social organization of new villages and social structures.In 1949–51, sociologists Balandier, Jean-Claude Pauvert, and Andr Hauser carried out studies for the governor of Gabon on the impact of resettling scattered rural populations in more densely concentrated towns.187 Five years later, Paul Mercier executed a “study mission in French Guin e relating to human problems posed by the implantation of an industrial complex in the Konkour region, and in particular by the problems of displacement of the population caused by the realization of that project.” 188 In an unpublished report Mercier wrote that “sociologists’ role should not be limited” to a study of the conditions before the move, but that they should also be involved in rehousing the displaced populations, just as sociologists had participated in the “installation of new villages during the operation ‘ regroupement des villages’” in Gabon in 1949–51.189 In the mid-1950s sociologists at the Tunisian Institut des hautes tudes carried out a survey of a seminomadic group in the colony’s south that was being sedentarized by the French government.
190 In the late 1950s sociologists were involved in a survey of “directed emigration and organization of the peasantry … in central Togo.” 191 Another large resettlement program in the Sourou River valley in Upper Volta was accompanied by analysis of the factors affecting “the mechanisms of migration” among different ethnic groups.Each research team in Sourou observed the reactions to resettlement in a single village over the course of a year.This survey in 1957–58 was carried out under the auspices of the Bordeaux Institut des sciences humaines appliqu es and was overseen by a thirty-six-year-old sociologist, Fran ois Bourricaud.The largest colonial resettlement program in this period took place in wartime Algeria, where a quarter of the indigenous population was displaced.
The entire process was overseen by the Specialized Administrative Sections (SAS) of the French army.Some SAS officers had studied “Muslim sociology” in a year-long apprenticeship before their active duty, and some were charged with studying indigenous villagers before and after resettlement in order to discover how to make the new settlements more viable.193 Bourdieu and Sayad painted such a devastating picture of the consequences of resettlement that their book Le d racinement was barred from publication until after the war.The regrouping policy, they argued, was “a pathological response to the mortal crisis of the colonial system, laying bare the pathological aims at the core of the colonial system” and leading to a “ pathological acceleration” of cultural change.
The authors compared the French officers “charged with organizing the new collectivities”—the SAS—to “Roman colonizers,” who “begin by disciplining space” in order to “discipline people” (fig.194 As this example shows, individual sociologists’ political stances were not determined in any simple way by their civil status.My final example of a resettlement sociologist involves another famous twentieth-century sociologist, Norbert Elias, the critical historical sociologist and author of The Civilizing Process.After reaching retirement age in England, Elias served as head of the sociology department at the University College of Ghana from 1962 to 1964 (figs.
He took over supervision of a long-running study of the social impact of resettling villagers as part of the planned flooding of the Volta River.Elias’s research took place in a period that was immediately postcolonial—Ghana had become independent in 1957—but the project had been under discussion since 1915, and planning had started in 1954.195 His project involved teams of research assistants, mainly college students.Elias intended to study “ten sample communities of different sizes representing a variety of different conditions and problems … that arise in the period of transition and after resettlement” in order to understand “why some villages, or some sections within them, strenuously resist resettlement while others could be persuaded to move.
” He “hope d to demonstrate in practice some of the inadequacies of the conventional non-sociological approach”—by which he meant the anthropological approach—to this sort of study.Naissance du prol tariat marocain: Enqu te collective ex cut e de 1948 1950 (Paris, 1951); ORSTOM, Organisation-Activit s 1944–1955 (Paris, 1955); Jacques Berque, “Nouveaux types urbains au Maroc: A propos d’une enqu te collective,” Annales ESC 7, no.Contre l’ tat, les sociologues: lements pour une histoire de la sociologie urbaine en France (1900–1980) (Paris, 1986).La sociologie du travail en France: Enqu te sur le travail des sociologues, 1950–1990 (Paris, 2011), 77.
French sociologists who carried out enqu tes on industrialization and labor conditions in the colonies include Balandier, Bourdieu, and Montagne, as well as G rard Althabe, Jacques Binet, Pierre Cl ment, Jean Cuisenier, Robert Descloitres, Roland Devauges, Jean-Claude Froehlich, Andr Hauser, Paul Mercier, Yvon Mersadier, Jean-Claude Reverdy, and Jean-Paul Trystram., Philippe Masson, “Le financement de la sociologie fran aise: Les conventions de recherche de la DGRST dans les ann es soixante,” Gen ses 62 (2006): 110–28.French Planning was initiated in 1946 and was directed by the Commissariat G n ral au Plan, which generated economic forecasts and coordinated discussions among government ministries and key social actors to forge a consensus about public policy and private investment priorities for the immediate future.
French planning was “indicative,” not authoritarian, and lacked powerful tools for influencing public or private behavior.Whereas the first plans emphasized “modernization and equipment,” the Fourth Plan encompassed social and science policy as well.On the Fourth Plan, see Pierre Bauchet, Economic Planning, the French Experience (New York, 1964); and John and Anne-Marie Hackett, Economic Planning in France (London, 1963).On science policy at the time, see Robert Gilpin, France in the Age of the Scientific State (Princeton, NJ, 1968).
13German sociology had been decimated by Nazism, and many sociologists who had stayed in Germany were prohibited from teaching after 1945.
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Carsten Klingemann, Soziologie und Politik: Sozialwissenschaftliches Expertenwissen im Dritten Reich und in der fr hen westdeutschen Nachkriegszeit (Wiesbaden, 2009).14I exclude India here because it became independent so quickly after 1945.15I deal at greater length with the French case in this article, having discussed British colonial sociology in George Steinmetz, “A Child of the Empire: British Sociology and Colonialism, 1940s–1960s,” Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 49, no 14 Dec 2012 - the School's Student Counselling Service (lse.ac.uk/counselling) or one of the other student welfare services on offer at LSE. For more information on the many services available to students please see the School Information section of this handbook. If you have difficulties, you should tell someone within .15I deal at greater length with the French case in this article, having discussed British colonial sociology in George Steinmetz, “A Child of the Empire: British Sociology and Colonialism, 1940s–1960s,” Journal of the History of the Behavioral Sciences 49, no.
16Jacques Berque and Jean Servier were born in Algeria, Paul Pascon in Morocco.
Jeanne Favret-Saada, who taught sociology at the University of Algiers between 1959 and 1963 before moving to Nanterre University, was born into a Jewish family in Tunisia that had acquired French citizenship in Algeria Student Handbook MSc in Sociology Department of Sociology.Jeanne Favret-Saada, who taught sociology at the University of Algiers between 1959 and 1963 before moving to Nanterre University, was born into a Jewish family in Tunisia that had acquired French citizenship in Algeria.Jeanne Favret-Saada, “Jeanne Favret-Saada,” in Comment je suis devenu ethnologue, ed.Jean Cazeneuve was born in France but attended lyc e in Morocco; Paul Mus was born in France but spent his entire childhood and the first part of career in Indochine; Edith Clark was born in Jamaica; David Brokensha, Percy Cohen, Allie Abraham Dubb, Ellen Hellmann, Leo Kuper, Max Marwick, Clyde Mitchell, Valdo Pons, John Rex, Jack Simons, Cyril Sofer, and Harold Wolpe were born in South Africa nbd-dhofar.com/essay/write-me-custom-dietetics-essay-business-formatting-master-s-privacy.Jean Cazeneuve was born in France but attended lyc e in Morocco; Paul Mus was born in France but spent his entire childhood and the first part of career in Indochine; Edith Clark was born in Jamaica; David Brokensha, Percy Cohen, Allie Abraham Dubb, Ellen Hellmann, Leo Kuper, Max Marwick, Clyde Mitchell, Valdo Pons, John Rex, Jack Simons, Cyril Sofer, and Harold Wolpe were born in South Africa.17A partial list of “indigenous” sociologists whose scientific careers began before decolonization includes Anouar Abdel-Malek, Fran ois N’Sougan Agbl magnon, Laurent Marie Biffot, Lloyd Braithwaite, Kofi Busia, Sydney Collins, Nathanael Fadipe, Dzigbodi Kodzo Fiawoo, Cyril Fiscian, Fernando Henriques, Kwan Esiboa De Graft Johnson, Abdelk bir Khatibi, Albert Memmi, V n Huy n Nguy n, Orlando Patterson, Manga Bekombo Prio, Abdelmalek Sayad, Paul Sebag, P write me custom dietetics essay Business Formatting Master's.
17A partial list of “indigenous” sociologists whose scientific careers began before decolonization includes Anouar Abdel-Malek, Fran ois N’Sougan Agbl magnon, Laurent Marie Biffot, Lloyd Braithwaite, Kofi Busia, Sydney Collins, Nathanael Fadipe, Dzigbodi Kodzo Fiawoo, Cyril Fiscian, Fernando Henriques, Kwan Esiboa De Graft Johnson, Abdelk bir Khatibi, Albert Memmi, V n Huy n Nguy n, Orlando Patterson, Manga Bekombo Prio, Abdelmalek Sayad, Paul Sebag, P.
Smith were mixed-race sociologists born in Jamaica.Smith taught sociology at the University of the West Indies but was considered an anthropologist during his career in the United States.
Interview by the author with Orlando Patterson, November 21, 2014.19I will use the terms “ethnology” and “anthropology” interchangeably in this article, since fields with these labels occupied similar locations in the French and British disciplinary divisions of disciplinary labor.For an in-depth analysis, see Emanuelle Siebeud, “Ethnographie, ethnologie et africanisme: La ‘disciplinarisation’ de l’ethnologie fran aise dans le premier tiers du XXe si cle,” in Qu’est-ce qu’une discipline?, ed.Jean Boutier, Jean-Claude Passeron, and Jacques Revel (Paris, 2006), 229–45.20Pierre Bourdieu and Hans Haacke, Free Exchange (Stanford, CA, 1995); Pierre Bourdieu, Manet (Paris, 2013), and “S minaires sur le concept de champ, 1972–1975,” Actes de la Recherche en Sciences Sociales 200 (2013): 4–37.
21Pierre Bourdieu, “Principles of a Sociology of Cultural Works,” in Explanation and Value in the Arts, ed.Salim Kemal and Ivan Gaskell (New York, 1993), 173–89, 176; George Steinmetz, “Bourdieu, Historicity, and Historical Sociology,” Cultural Sociology 5, no.22Fields are also partially nonagonistic arenas insofar as they depend on mutual recognition of all participants by all others and on a shared illusio—agreement on a set of commitments and assumptions about the field and its idiosyncratic logics, vocabulary, history, and debates.24Pierre Bourdieu, “Champ intellectuel et projet cr ateur,” Les temps modernes 22, no.
This article was circulated as a mimeograph in 1965.25Letter from Bourdieu to Abdelmalek Sayad, late 1959, in Fonds d’Archives Abdelmalek Sayad (FAAS), Mus e de l’Histoire de l’Immigration, Paris; Am n P rez, “Rendre le social plus politique: Guerre coloniale, immigration et pratiques sociologiques d’Abdelmalek Sayad et de Pierre Bourdieu” (doctoral thesis, EHESS, 2015), app.In Other Words (Stanford, CA, 1990), 108.
27Johan Heilbron, “Pionniers par d faut? Les d buts de la recherche au Centre d’ tudes sociologiques (1946–1960),” Revue fran aise de sociologie 32 (1991): 365–79.Almost all CNRS sociologists belonged to the CES, but the converse was not true.28An example is Roland Barthes, active in the Centre d’ tudes sociologiques and the CNRS sociology section from 1955 and a sociology professor in the Sixth Section of the EPHE from 1962 but rarely seen as a sociologist after becoming a leading intellectual in the 1960s.33Barrington Kaye, “The Sociologist in a Hostile World,” Higher Education Quarterly 10 (1956): 172–80, 178.Little, Negroes in Britain: A Study of Racial Relations in English Society (London, 1947); Ronald Frankenberg, Village on the Border (London, 1957)., Social Implications of Industrialization and Urbanization in Africa South of the Sahara (Paris, 1956).37Quotes from interviews by the author with Georges Balandier, February 9, 2007, Paris, and Roland Waast, February 15, 2012, Paris.38Leroi-Gourhan, “Qu’est-ce que c’est … l’ethnologie?,” Bulletin du Centre de formation aux recherches ethnologiques, no.5 (January 1953): 1–7, 1; Jacques Gutwirth, “La professionnalisation d’une discipline: Le centre de formation aux recherches ethnologiques,” Gradhiva, no.
39Sociology and ethnology were combined with other disciplines in CNRS sections but never with each other.Jacques Lautmann, “Le CNRS et la sociologie,” Histoire de la recherche contemporaine 2, no.Spencer, “British Social Anthropology: A Retrospective,” Annual Review of Anthropology 29 (2000): 1–24, 4; Edmund Lisle, Howard Machin, and Sy Yasin, Traversing the Crisis: The Social Sciences in Britain and France (London, 1984), 12–141, tables 3a, 3b.Cohen, “Village on the Border, Anthropology at the Crossroads: The Significance of a Classic British Ethnography,” Sociological Review 53 (2005): 603–20, 616; Wendy James, “‘A Feeling for Form and Pattern, and a Touch of Genius’: E-P’s Vision and the Institute 1946–70,” in A History of Oxford Anthropology, ed.MacRae, “Sociology in Transitional Societies,” Universitas (Accra) 2 (1956): 107–9, 107; T.Marshall, “Review of Anthropology Today: An Encyclopaedic Inventory,” British Journal of Sociology 7 (1956): 59–64, 60.44Peter Worsley, “Only Connections,” Guardian, October 14, 1966.Jones, “Social Anthropology in Nigeria during the Colonial Period,” Africa 44 (1974): 280–99, 286.
47Owen Sichone, “The Social Sciences in Africa,” in The Modern Social Sciences, ed.Ted Porter and Dorothy Ross, The Cambridge History of Science 7 (Cambridge, 2003), 466–81, 478.8) “54,” IVORY COAST—Meeting 1954—Social Impact of Technological Change.
53George Steinmetz, “The Colonial State as a Social Field,” American Sociological Review 73 (2008): 589–612, and “Social Fields, Subfields, and Social Spaces, at the Scale of Empires: Explaining the Colonial State and Colonial Sociology,” Sociological Review Monographs 64, no.Ardener, “A Directory Study of Social Anthropologists,” British Journal of Sociology 16 (1965): 295–314, 306.
Africa as a Living Laboratory: Empire, Development, and the Problem of Scientific Knowledge, 1870–1950 (Chicago, 2011); Pierre Singarav lou, Professer l’Empire: Les “sciences coloniales” en France sous la IIIe R publique (Paris, 2011), and “De la psychologie coloniale la g ographie psychologique,” L’Homme et la soci t , nos.167–69 (2008): 119–48; Erik Linstrum, Ruling Minds: Psychology in the British Empire (Cambridge, MA, 2016); Karl Ittmann, Dennis D., Demographics of Empire: The Colonial Order and the Creation of Knowledge (Columbus, OH, 2010).
Des savants pour l’empire (Paris, 1991), 52.On advice to those seeking colonial careers in this period, see E.Mournat, Comment on cherche … et on trouve une place aux Colonies, 2nd ed.57Bill MacArthur and Phil Harrington, “Obituary: David Bettison,” New Zealand Sociology 29, no.
58Ellen Hellmann exemplifies an entirely “southern” career in South Africa.59A pattern illustrated by Fran ois N’Sougan Agbl magnon, Kofi Busia, Manga Bekombo Prio, and Abdelmalek Sayad.Low and John Lonsdale, “Introduction: Towards the New Order, 1945–1963,” in History of East Africa, ed.
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Kirk-Greene, “The Thin White Line: The Size of the British Colonial Service in Africa,” African Affairs 79 (1980): 25–44, 27; N.Gopalaswami Ayyangar, Report on Reorganisation of the Machinery of Government (Faridabad, 1957).
62Jean-Charles Fredenucci, “La brousse coloniale ou l’anti-bureau,” Revue francaise d’administration publique 108 (2003): 603–15, 604; William Cohen, Rulers of Empire: The French Colonial Service in Africa (Stanford, CA, 1971), 178–79 This fact is in line with recent research showing that European empires were located at the heart of national self-understandings, social structures, and Histories of British postwar sociology have alluded to the colonial moment only obliquely through references to the large number of social anthropology PhDs at the core of .
62Jean-Charles Fredenucci, “La brousse coloniale ou l’anti-bureau,” Revue francaise d’administration publique 108 (2003): 603–15, 604; William Cohen, Rulers of Empire: The French Colonial Service in Africa (Stanford, CA, 1971), 178–79.
63Tony Chafer, “Friend or Foe? Competing Visions of Empire in French West Africa in the Run-Up to Independence,” in The French Colonial Mind, ed.Martin Thomas (Lincoln, NE, 2011), 275–97, 277–81.Decolonization and African Society: The Labor Question in French and British Africa (Cambridge, 1996); Christophe Bonneuil, “Development as Experiment: Science and State Building in Late Colonial and Postcolonial Africa, 1930–1970,” Osiris, 2nd ser., 15 (2000): 258–81; Michael Crowder, West Africa under Colonial Rule (London: Hutchinson, 1968), 499.Rulers of Empire, 173; Catherine Coquery-Vidrovitch, “L’imp rialisme fran ais en Afrique noire: Id ologie imp riale et politique d’ quipement, 1924–1975,” Relations internationales 7 (1976): 261–82.
66Commissariat G n ral du Plan, Rapport annuel sur l’ex cution du plan de modernisation et d’ quipement (M tropole et Outre-Mer) (Paris, 1956); Hubert Deschamps, The French Union (Paris, 1956), 208; “Grand Conseil de l’A.,” March s coloniaux (June 26, 1954): 1759.67Jean-Charles Fredenucci, “L’entregent colonial des ing nieurs des Ponts et Chauss es dans l’urbanisme des ann es 1950–1970,” Vingti me Si cle 79 (2003): 79–91; Joseph M.
Hodge, Triumph of the Expert: Agrarian Doctrines of Development and the Legacies of British Colonialism (Athens, OH, 2007).The Devil’s Handwriting: Precoloniality and the German Colonial State in Qingdao, Samoa, and Southwest Africa (Chicago, 2007).77David Killingray, “Colonial Studies,” in The British Intellectual Engagement with Africa in the Twentieth Century, ed.Douglas Rimmer and Anthony Kirk-Green (London, 2000), 41–67, 45.78Ralph Austen, “‘The Official Mind’ of Indirect Rule: British Policy in Tanganyika, 1916–1939,” in Britain and Germany in Africa: Imperial Rivalry and Colonial Rule, ed.
Rapport d’activit (Paris, 1961–62), 409, (Paris, 1962–63), 483.
The CES group of overseas specialists already existed in 1958; letter from de Dampierre to Stoetzel, July 8, 1958, in Dampierre papers, MSHO Correspondence G nerale 1954–1967, folder 1958–1959, Biblioth que ric de Dampierre.80Researchers employed as sociologues by ORSTOM between 1945 and 1970 include Balandier, Josette Chaumeton, Condominas, Roland Devauges, Ren Gouellain, Jean Guiart, Andr Hauser, Bohumil Holas, Jean-Marie Kohler, Maurice Leenhardt, Louis Mass , Paul Mercier, Yvon Mersadier, Louis Molet, Pauvert, Sidney Pelage, Marcel Soret, and Louis-Vincent Thomas.81Albert Charton, “Creation de l’IFAN,” Bulletin du Comit d’ tudes historiques et scientifiques de l’Afrique occidentale fran aise 1 (1936): 385–86; Jean-Herv J z quel, “Les professionnels africains de la recherche dans l’ tat colonial tardif: Le personnel local de l’Institut Fran ais d’Afrique Noire entre 1938 et 1960,” Revue d’Histoire des Sciences Humaines 24 (2011): 35–60.82Institut fran ais d’Afrique noire, Rapport annuel (Dakar, 1952), 21–22.Sociologists at IFAN between 1945 and 1960 included Balandier, Jean-Claude Froelich, Ren Gouellain, Andr Hauser, Bohumil Holas, Louis Mass , Paul Mercier, and Yvon Mersadier.
84Jean-Louis Boutillier and Yves Goudineau, Trente ans (Paris, 1993), 5.85Alfred Sauvy, “Introduction a l’ tude des pays sous-d velopp s,” Population 6, no.86Alfred Sauvy, “Un plan d’ tudes,” Population 8, no.27, Le Tiers-Monde, sous-d veloppement et d veloppement (Paris, 1957).Th odore, “Rapport sur un programme d’enqu tes statistiques agricoles et d mographiques en Afrique noire fran aise,” Bulletin int rieur de l’INSEE, no.INSEE, 1946–1956, 32; B atrice Touchelay, “Le d veloppement de la statistique d’outre-mer du d but du si cle aux ind pendances,” in La France et l’outre-mer: Un si cle de relations mon taires et financi res (Paris, 1998), 2–26, 23; Albert Ficatier, Un certain regard sur une des fonctions de l’INSEE: De la statistique coloniale la coop ration technique (Paris, 1981), 16.89Pascal-Gaston Marietti, “Pr sentation,” in Mission d mographique de Guin e, tude d mographique par sondage en Guin e, 1954–1955; 1 re Partie: Technique d’enqu te (Paris, 1956), i–iii, ii n.1; Th odore, “Rapport sur un programme,” 19.Handbook of Demographic Research in Under-developed Countries (London, 1959), 65.91Centre des archives conomiques et financi res (Savigny-le-Temple), Statistiques-Outre-mer, B-0057585/1, Travaux statistiques, Madagascar (1955–58).
92Interview by the author with Roland Waast, Paris, February 15, 2012.93See / ?rubrique100/, accessed May 2, 2015.Kr mer, “Adam, Andr Cl ment Henri,” in Internationales Soziologenlexikon, ed.
Wilhelm Bernsdorf and Horst Knospe, 2nd ed.94Letter from Overseas Minist re to ENFOM Director, July 23, 1951.
In Centre des archives d’outre-mer, Aix-en-Provence (CAOM), cole coloniale, box 18, dossier 1, “Correspondence diverse relative l’ENFOM 1848–1956.
” 95“Inauguration du cours de sciences sociales,” Colo/ENFOM 53, no.96Pierre Rondot, “Robert Montagne et le Levant,” L’Afrique et l’Asie 4, no.32 (1955): 36–43; Renaud Avez, Soixante-dix ans de coop ration scientifique l’Institut Fran ais de Damas (Damascus, 1992), 141–46.104Roy Jumper, “The Recruitment and Training of Civil Adminstrators for Overseas France: A Case Study of French Bureaucracy” (PhD diss., “Les m moires de stage des l ves de l’ cole nationale d’administration,” Population 7, no.106 cole nationale d’administration, Promotions, no.Capelle, “Universit s fran aises d’Outre-Mer,” L’ ducation nationale 12, no.4 (1956): 1–5; Pierre Singarav lou, “L’enseignement sup rieur colonial: Un tat des lieux,” Histoire de l’ ducation 122 (2009): 71–92; Avez, Soixante-dix ans.Some French colonial universities opened their doors too late to be considered here.108Tassadit Yacine, “At the Origins of a Singular Ethnosociology,” in Algerian Sketches, by Pierre Bourdieu (Cambridge, 2013), 13–34, 17.109P rez, “Rendre le social plus politique,” 90.
Prior to the creation of the sociology licence in 1958, sociology could only be studied at the university level within the certificate “Morale et sociologie,” part of the philosophy licence degree.Histoire de l’Universit d’Alger: L’ pop e intellectuelle de l’Alg rie (Algiers, 1950).Martelot, “L’avant-Granai: Contribution l’histoire de l’enseignement de la sociologie en Tunisie,” in Universit de Provence, D partement de sociologie-ethnologie, Hommage Georges Granai (Aix-en-Provence, 1985), 9–18, 12; Lilia Ben Salem, “Paul Sebag sociologue?,” in De Tunis Paris: M langes la m moire de Paul Sebag, ed.Claude Nataf (Paris, 2008), 127–34, 129.
112Lilia Ben Salem, “‘Propos sur la sociologie en Tunisie’: Entretien avec Sylvie Mazzella,” Gen ses: Sciences sociales et histoire 75 (2009): 125–42, 127–28, and “Paul Sebag sociologue?,” 127; Frantz Fanon, “Rencontre de la soci t et de la psychiatrie,” in Oeuvres, vol.
Student handbook ba hons sociology school of nbsp uclan
2, crits sur l’ali nation et la libert , ed.Jean Khalfa and Robert Young (Paris, 2015), 430–56.113Edmund Burke III, “The Sociology of Islam: The French Tradition,” in Islamic Studies: A Tradition and Its Problems, ed Should i buy a coursework sociology A4 (British/European) Writing from scratch Business Master's.113Edmund Burke III, “The Sociology of Islam: The French Tradition,” in Islamic Studies: A Tradition and Its Problems, ed.
Segalla, 115Edmund Burke III, “The Image of the Moroccan State in French Ethnological Literature,” in Arabs and Berbers, ed.Ernest Gellner and Charles Micaud (Lexington, MA, 1972), 175–99, 178, and The Ethnographic State: France and the Invention of Moroccan Islam (Berkeley, 2014), 48; Philippe Besnard, “The Ann e sociologique Team,” in The Sociological Domain: The Durkheimians and the Founding of French Sociology, ed Should i buy sociology coursework Premium Writing double spaced 11 days.Ernest Gellner and Charles Micaud (Lexington, MA, 1972), 175–99, 178, and The Ethnographic State: France and the Invention of Moroccan Islam (Berkeley, 2014), 48; Philippe Besnard, “The Ann e sociologique Team,” in The Sociological Domain: The Durkheimians and the Founding of French Sociology, ed.Philippe Besnard (Cambridge, 1983), 11–39, 24 n.
116See “Actes du 2 me Congr s de la federation des Soc.Savantes de l’Afrique du Nord,” in Revue africaine 79, no.2 (1936); Alice Conklin, “De la sociologie objective l’action: Charles Le Coeur et l’utopisme colonial,” in Ethnologues en situations coloniales, ed.Daniel Fabre, Christine Lauri re, and Andr Mary (Paris, forthcoming).
117Pierre-Robert Baduel, “Paul Pascon (1923–1985),” Revue de l’Occident musulman et de la M diterran e 38 (1984): 181–88.118Pierre Singarav lou, “NGUY N Van Huy n,” in Dictionnaire des orientalistes de langue fran aise, ed.119David Chandler, “Paul Mus (1902–1969): A Biographical Sketch,” Journal of Vietnamese Studies 4, no.
1 (2009): 149–91; Paul Mus, Vi t-Nam, sociologie d’une guerre (Paris, 1952).120David Mills, “British Anthropology at the End of Empire: The Rise and Fall of the Colonial Social Science Research Council, 1944–1962,” Revue d’histoire des sciences humaines 1 (2002): 161–88.Maxwell, Universities in Partnership: The Inter-University Council and the Growth of Higher Education in Developing Countries, 1946–70 (Edinburgh, 1980).123MacRae, “Sociology in Transitional Societies,” 107–9.124Chris Rojek, “An Anatomy of the Leicester School of Sociology: An Interview with Eric Dunning,” Journal of Classical Sociology 4, no.Simey, Welfare and Planning in the West Indies (Oxford, 1946); interview by the author with Orlando Patterson, November 21, 2014.126Leo Silberman (born in Germany in 1918, died in London, 1960) studied in South Africa and at Balliol College, Oxford, and lectured in sociology at Witwatersrand, Liverpool, Northwestern, and the University of Chicago between 1945 and 1959.Biographical details from collection “Lettres de Leo Silberman Louis Saguer, 29 mai 1935–20 mai 1960,” Bibliotheque nationale de France, d partement de la musique.
Du Bois received an honorary degree from the University of Ghana in 1963 but apparently was not associated with the sociology department there.Saunders, Hegemony and Culture: Politics and Change among the Yoruba (Chicago, 1986), 219 n.129On sociological endeavors at the East African Institute of Social Research and Rhodes-Livingstone Institute, see Steinmetz, “A Child of the Empire,” 18–19.130On Thurnwald’s career, see George Steinmetz, “Scientific Autonomy and Empire, 1880–1945: Four German Sociologists,” in German Colonialism in a Global Age, ed.
Geoff Eley and Bradley Naranch (Durham, NC, 2014), 46–73.Inter-African Scientific and Technical Co-operation, 1948–1955 (London, 1956), xi, xv; National Academy of Sciences, Recommendations for Strengthening Science and Technology in Select Areas of Africa and South of the Sahara (Washington, DC, 1959), 20–21.The Poor White Problem in South Africa: Report of the Carnegie Commission, 5 vols.(Stellenbosch, 1932); Tiffany Willoughby-Herard, Waste of a White Skin: The Carnegie Corporation and the Racial Logic of White Vulnerability (Oakland, CA, 2015).Silberman’s Carnegie grant is discussed in the diaries of Rockefeller officer Montague Yudelman, entry for February 7, 1957, Rockefeller Archive Center, RG 12, Box 534.
133Charles Joseph Jeffries, The Colonial Empire and Its Civil Service (Cambridge, 1938), 126.134Ford Foundation Archives at Rockefeller Archive Center, grants 05400059 (International African Institute); 05900006 and 05900265 (University College of Rhodesia and Nyasaland); and 05900083 (University of Ibadan).135Two UK-based sociologists not included in these sums—because they only became seriously interested in colonial phenomena after 1960—are Ilya Neustadt and Norbert Elias.136For these categories, see Christophe Charle, Birth of the Intellectuals: 1880–1900 (Cambridge, 2015).137On French sociologists’ views of American sociology at the time, see Jean-Christophe Marcel, l ments pour une analyse de la r ception de la sociologie am ricaine en France (1945–1959) (habilitation thesis, Universit de Paris–Sorbonne, 2010).
138Jean-Christoph Marcel, “Georges Gurvitch: Les raisons d’un succ s,” Cahiers internationaux de sociologie 110 (2001): 97–119.139Jean Stoetzel, “Sociology in France: An Empiricist View,” in Modern Sociological Theory in Continuity and Change, ed.Becker and Alvin Boskoff (New York, 1957), 623–57, 624, 644.140“Centre d’ tudes sociologiques,” Cahiers internationaux de sociologie 1 (1946): 177–80, 177.
VIe colloque de l’AISLP, Royaumont, 28-29-30 octobre 1965: Sociologie de la “construction nationale” dans les nouveaux tats (Bruxelles, 1968).Georges Granai, founder of sociology instruction in Tunisia, was also “in the orbit of Gurvitch.” Jean Paul Trystram, “Souvenirs,” in Hommage Georges Granai, 19–22, 19.142Alain Girard and and Jean Stoetzel, Fran ais et immigr s (Paris, 1953–54).143“D mande la Ford (IIIe version),” report on CES (in English) for the Ford Foundation, in Heller papers, folder Aron (CES), EHESS archives.
144Jean Cuisenier, “Le sous-d veloppement conomique dans une groupement rural en Tunisie: Le Djebel Lansarine,” Cahiers de Tunisie 6, nos.23–24 (1958): 219–66; Martelot, “L’avant-Granai,” 16.145Salah Bouhedja, “‘Il tait un parmi les dix,’ autour de l’enqu te sur les camps de regroupement dans Le D racinement,” Awal: Cahiers d’ tudes berb res 25–28 (2003): 287–93; interview by the author with Fran ine Muel-Dreyfus, March 30, 2014; CSE, Le Centre de sociologie europ enne 1961–1965 (Paris, 1965).146EPHE, Section des sciences conomiques et sociales, Annuaire (Paris, 1956/57–1965/66).147Olivier Godechot, “La formation des relations acad miques au sein de l’EHESS,” Histoire et mesure 26 (2011): 223–60.
150Maurice Faivre, “Un ethnologue de terrain face la rebellion alg rienne,” Mondes et cultures 63 (2003): 448–60; Camille Lacoste-Dujardin, Op ration “Oiseau bleu”: Des Kabyles, des ethnologues et la guerre en Alg rie (Paris, 1997), 277.151P rez, “Rendre le social plus politique,” 67–74; Pierre Bourdieu, Sociologie de l’Alg rie (Paris, 1958).Africanizing Anthropology: Fieldwork, Networks, and the Making of Cultural Knowledge in Central Africa (Durham, NC, 2001); Andrew Bank and Leslie J., Inside African Anthropology: Monica Wilson and her Interpreters (Cambridge, 2013).
153Pierre Bourdieu and Abdelmalek Sayad, Le d racinement: La crise de l’agriculture traditionelle en Alg rie (Paris, 1964).
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154On Balandier’s activities in French colonial Africa, see “Tout parcours scientifique comporte des moments autobiographiques (entretien),” Actes de la recherche en sciences sociales 185 (December 2010): 44–61; Gregory Mann, “Anti-Colonialism and Social Science: Georges Balandier, Madeira Keita, and ‘the Colonial Situation’ in French Africa,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 55, no.155Pierre Naville, “Pr sence africaine,” Pr sence africaine 1 (November–December 1947): 44–46 156This was true of Eric de Dampierre, according to Catherine Perl s, in an interview with the author, Nanterre, January 2014; Margaret Buckner, “Eric de Dampierre and the Art of Fieldwork,” in Out of the Study and into the Field: Ethnographic Theory and Practice in French Anthropology, ed.157Pierre Chaulet and Claudine Chaulet, Le choix de l’Alg rie: Deux voix, une m moire (Algiers, 2012); Jules Falquet, “Avant-propos,” in F minisme et antimilitarisme, by Andr e Michel (Donnemarie-Donilly, 2012), 11 3 Oct 2013 - 7.5 Late submission of assessed coursework and dissertation: deadlines, deferrals and 'extensions' . disciplines in the sociology of economic life; science, technology and society; the sociology of (lse.ac.uk/orientation) contain information about events taking place at the start of the academic year .157Pierre Chaulet and Claudine Chaulet, Le choix de l’Alg rie: Deux voix, une m moire (Algiers, 2012); Jules Falquet, “Avant-propos,” in F minisme et antimilitarisme, by Andr e Michel (Donnemarie-Donilly, 2012), 11.
158Claude Nataf, “De Tunis Paris: lements de biographie,” in De Tunis Paris: M langes la m moire de Paul Sebag, ed.Frank Poupeau and Thierry Discepolo (Marseilles, 2002), 472–73, 465.160Pierre Bourdieu, “Il faut que l’intellectuel donne la parole ceux qui ne l’ont pas!,” in L’ v nement du Jeudi, September 10–16, 1992, 114–16; Perez, “Rendre le social plus politique Sociology Laboratory report Buy online academic essay writing nbsp.160Pierre Bourdieu, “Il faut que l’intellectuel donne la parole ceux qui ne l’ont pas!,” in L’ v nement du Jeudi, September 10–16, 1992, 114–16; Perez, “Rendre le social plus politique.” 161Yves Jammet, “Abdelmalek Sayad, les ann es d’apprentissage,” in Abdelemalek Sayad: La d couverte de la sociologie en temps de guerre, ed.Tassadit Yacine, Yves Jammet, and Christian de Montlibert (Nantes, 2013), 17–127, 100; Bouhedja, “‘Il tait un parmi les dix,’” 288; Claude Seibel, “Les liens entre Pierre Bourdieu et les statisticiens partir de son exp rience alg rienne,” in La libert par la connaissance: Pierre Bourdieu (1930–2002), ed.
Jacques Bouveresse and Daniel Roche (Paris, 2004), 105–20.162Perez, “Rendre le social plus politique”; Jammet, “Abdelmalek Sayad.” 163Deschamps to de Dampierre, January 10, 1956, in Dampierre papers, Mission sociologique du Haut Oubangui, Correspondence G nerale 1954–1967, folder 1954–1955, Biblioth que ric de Dampierre.164On the relations between de Dampierre and Aron and the differences in their uses of Weber, see Michael Gemperle, “La fabrique d’un classique fran ais: Le cas de ‘Weber,’” Revue d’Histoire des Sciences Humaines, no.Les t ches de la sociologie (Dakar, 1951), 43–44.N’Sougan Agbl magnon, “La concept de crise appliqu une soci t africaine: Les w s,” Cahiers internationaux de sociologie 23 (1957): 157–66.(Paris, 1932–36); Albert Memmi, Portrait du colonis , pr c d du Portrait du colonisateur (Paris, 1957); Paul Mercier, “Le groupement europ en de Dakar: Orientation d’une enqu te,” Cahiers internationaux de sociologie 19 (1955): 130–46; Frantz Fanon, “Algeria’s European Minority,” in A Dying Colonialism (1959; New York, 1965), 147–62.
, Georges Balandier, “La situation coloniale: Approche th orique,” Cahiers internationaux de sociologie 11 (1951): 44–79, and Sociologie actuelle de l’Afrique noire (Paris, 1955); Peter Worsley, The Trumpet Shall Sound: A Study of “Cargo” Cults in Melanesia (London, 1957).175Christian Giordano, “Jenseits von Emile Durkheims Erbschaft: Die dynamische Sociologie und Anthropologie Georges Balandiers,” in Franz sische Soziologie der Gegenwart, ed.Stephan Moebius and Lothar Peter (Konstanz, 2004), 213–36.
, Balandier, Un ancien royaume Bandia du Haut-Oubangui (Paris, 1967); Paul Mercier, Tradition, changement, histoire: Les “Somba” du Dahomey septentrional (Paris, 1968).177Fran ois N’Sougan Agbl magnon, “La diff rence de psychologie et de sensibilit provoque-t-elle une diff rence de comportement entre occidentaux d’une part, africains de l’autre, quant aux m thodes de la recherche et quant l’interpr tation des r sultats?,” in tat et perspectives des tudes africaines et orientales: Compte rendu du colloque de l’Association des universit s partiellement ou enti rement de langue fran aise, by Pierre Louis (Montreal, 1965), 128–44.178Rey, “Sociologie conomique et politique,” 519.
Another student of Balandier who combined ethnography with history was Claude Meillassoux.179Fanon’s last writings had as much to do with sociology as psychiatry, a point that is misunderstood by Fanon’s biographer, who writes that his 1959 book L’An V de la R volution Alg rienne was “rather misleadingly” titled Sociology of the Algerian Revolution in its 1966 edition, “even though it is obviously not an exercise in sociology in any real sense.” David Macey, Frantz Fanon (New York, 2000), 398.It is unclear what Macey thinks “real” sociology looked like at the time.Joby Fanon submits that his brother Frantz studied for a bachelor ( license) degree in sociology, but the sociology licence did not yet exist when Fanon was pursing his studies in France (1946–51).
Joby Fanon, Frantz Fanon: De la Martinique l’Alg rie et l’Afrique (Paris, 2004), 87.Nonetheless, this mistaken recollection points to a deeper truth about Fanon’s work.180Georges Balandier and Paul Mercier, Particularisme et volution: Les p cheurs Lebou du S n gal (Saint-Louis, 1952), 131, 212.181This was the argument developed by psychiatrist Henri Collomb and psychoanalyst Marie-C cile Ortigues at the Fann hospital in Dakar starting in the mid-1950s.See Danielle Storper-Perez, La folie colonis e (Paris, 1974)—a revision of a sociology doctoral thesis based on the author’s work with Collomb at the Fann clinic; Ren Collignon, “Vingt ans de travaux la clinique psychiatrique de Fann-Dakar,” Psychopathologie africaine 14, nos.
On British colonial psychiatry see Linstrum, Ruling Minds.Seeing like a State (New Haven, CT, 1998).183Laura Ann Twagira, “‘Robot Farmers” and Cosmopolitan Workers: Technological Masculinity and Agricultural Development in the French Soudan (Mali), 1945–68,” Gender & History 26 (2014): 459–77, 460.
185Bonneuil, “Development as Experiment.” 186Colonial ethnosociologist David Brokensha, who worked on the Volta river basin project, referred to a “sociology of resettlement” (“Detailed Plan of Proposals and Estimates for Anthropological Research in the Volta Basin,” May 7, 1962, Norbert Elias papers, file 294, Deutsches Literaturarchiv Marbach).187Georges Balandier and Jean-Claude Pauvert, Mission d’ tude du regroupement des villages (territoires du Gabon) (Paris, 1950), and Les villages gabonais (Brazzaville, 1952).Heller, correspondence, Afrique, folder Paul Mercier, CV.189Paul Mercier to Georges Balandier, Conakry, September 21, 1956, Balandier papers, Dossier Guin e, Biblioth que nationale de France., Le Territoire des Ouled Sidi Ali ben Aoun (Paris, 1956).
192Fran ois Bourricaud and Guy Laserre, Am nagement hydro-agricole de la Vall e du Sourou: Programme de recherches en sciences humaines (Bordeaux, 1957), 69; Fran oise Izard-H ritier and Michael Izard, Les Mossi du Yatenga: tude de la vie conomique et sociale (Bordeaux, 1959).The Sourou plan was not fully implemented until the 1970s.Les sections administratives sp cialis es en Alg rie: Entre id al et r alit (1955–1962) (Paris, 1998), 37; Noara Omouri, “Les Sections Administratives Sp cialis es et les sciences sociales: tudes et actions sociales de terrain des officiers SAS et des personnels des Affaires alg riennes,” in Militaires et gu rillas dans la guerre d’Alg rie, ed.Jean-Charles Jauffret et Maurice Va se (Paris, 2001), 383–98.194Bourdieu and Sayad, Le d racinement, 26, 27.
Shapiro, “Settling Refugees, Unsettling the Nation: Ghana’s Volta River Project Resettlement Scheme and the Ambiguities of Development Planning, 1952–1970” (PhD diss.196Norbert Elias, “Volta Basin Research Project of the Department of Sociology,” Norbert Elias papers, Ghan-Essays 3f, folder IB (Introductory comments); Norbert Elias to Ilya Neustadt, March 13, 1964, Norbert Elias papers, vol.King, “Problems of Ghanaian Communities,” 7, Norbert Elias papers, Ghan-Essays 3a (all in Deutsches Literaturarchiv Marbach).litt rateurs active in this period include Balandier, Kaye, Khatibi, Le Coeur, Memmi, Naville, Patterson, and M.